Who Am I?
Mike Madigan Is The Speaker Of The Illinois House of Representatives.

What I've done for Blagojevich:
I joined with key Blagojevich ally Emil Jones, and co-chaired Blagojevich's re-election campaign in 2006. According to a Madigan spokesman, the speaker "focused on his overall record. He's done a great job in light of some difficult circumstances. It seems like the obvious thing to do, to support the governor should he choose to run for re-election." (Daily Herald, Governor gets support from key leaders, August 13, 2005)

What I've said about Blagojevich:
"My plan would be to support Blagojevich [for re-election]." (Chicago Tribune, Democrats try to be friends, August 19, 2004)

"[Blagojevich] represents in my mind the future of the Democratic Party in Illinois." (The State Journal Register, Wesley urges Democrats to avoid divisive primary, May 3, 2001)

My Own Ethical Problems:
Madigan was investigated for using taxpayer funds to pay rent on a Democratic Campaign office. (Copley News Service, Lisa Madigan Defends Father, August 14, 2002)

Madigan has also been criticized for funneling $300,000 in state subsidies to a college friend for an "international livestock exposition" at the Illinois State Fair. It was the only private livestock show to receive state subsidies. (Copley News Service, Lisa Madigan Defends Father, August 14, 2002)

My Broken Promises:
I promised to call a special election, then went back on my world, opening the door for Rod Blagojevich to appoint Roland Burris - "Illinois Senate President Emil Jones and House Speaker Michael Madigan promised that the legislature would promptly pass a bill to set an election. No doubt, no question, they would do it...But then Democratic leaders had a revelation: They could lose that election!...Whoa! Trust the voters? That would be dangerous." (Chicago Tribune, Trust the People? Nah, December 17, 2008)

John Cullerton and I sabotaged campaign finance reform with a bill that is worse than the status quo - "Those caps on contributions -- $5,000 from individuals and $10,000 from corporations, unions and other groups, and a miserly $90,000 from committees run by party leaders -- are subject to all sorts of multipliers. A candidate can now have three campaign committees instead of one, and the limits are based on calendar year, not election cycle -- which not accidentally gives incumbents a big edge in fundraising. In-kind contributions are virtually unrestrained. There's more, but you get the picture.

We've argued repeatedly that caps on contributions won't check the influence of big donors: Politicians will always find loopholes to exploit. But it takes a special kind of audacity to draft a bill with the loopholes so clearly highlighted, and even more gall to try to pass it off as reform. This is an incumbent-protection bill." (Chicago Tribune, Anybody got a match?, June 11, 2009)

I’m trying to pass a massive tax increase, while avoiding the blame - "The current Democratic strategy for passing a state income tax increase couldn't be more transparent: Blame minority Republicans for all the horrors that allegedly will occur if -- for lack of more taxing power -- Democratic Gov. Pat Quinn chooses to slash spending on social services.

Senate President John Cullerton, House Speaker Michael Madigan, good luck with that one: Your party owns Springfield. Yet after failing to stop Illinois from chronically overspending by the billions, you expect voters to now blame the minority party for ... not helping you pass a Democratic-sponsored tax increase? (Chicago Tribune, Stand Firm, June 18, 2009)